Andrew Andersen

 

 

The Conflict in Transnistria: National Consensus is a Long Way off.

(1990 - present)

 

 

Background of the Conflict

 

The internationally recognized territory of present-day Moldova was formed in 1940 (confirmed in 1947) after the Romanian province of Bessarabia had been occupied and annexed by the USSR following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939) between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. The Soviets stripped Bessarabia of some of her northern and southern districts (Izmail and partially, Akkerman and Khotin) and merged the remaining part of it with 8 of the 14 districts of “Moldavian ASSR” that had never been part of Romania thus forming a new administrative element of the USSR under the official name of “Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic”. These territorial changes severely damaged geographical, cultural, economic and linguistic integrity of the area. In fact, the new “Republic” consisted of two parts (east and west of Dniester river) with quite different history, political culture and even ethnic makeup (click here to read more about the history of the area and to see historical maps).



The compatibility of the two parts of Moldavian SSR was put in question by the end of the 1980's when the political landscape of the USSR started changing as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of reform (“perestroyka”) and political liberalization. In Moldavian SSR just like in some other parts of the Soviet Union, various ethno-nationalist action groups formed Popular Front and started rapidly turning into the leading political force. The Popular Front denounced Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and demanded sovereignty. In August-September 1989, the Moldavian Parliament (Supreme Soviet) passed language laws introducing Latin alphabet and recognizing Moldovan (variant of Romanian) as the state language instead of Russian. In  April 1990, the Parliament adopted Romanian tricolor flag (red, yellow and blue) with historical Moldavian coat of arms as the state flag and changed the national anthem to the one identical to  Romanian. In June 1990 the Popular Front organized mass rallies calling for the re-union with Romania.



 

20th CENTURY PRE-HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT IN MAPS

 Click on each map to get a bigger image

 

 

 

 

1918 – 1939

INCORPORATION OF BESSARABIA INTO ROMANIA

 

 

1940

INCORPORATION OF BESSARABIA INTO THE USSR

 

 

1940 – 1941

FORMATION OF MOLDOOVAN SSR BY MERGING PARTS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA

 

 

Political Confrontation


The above events were in a greater or less degree opposed by non-Romanian minorities thus marking the first Moldova’s steps towards independent statehood with intense ethnic conflict. The linguistic aspect happened to become crucial due to the fact that vast majoroty of non-Romanian population did not speak Moldovan (Romanian) language. Using the displeasure with the reform policies among minorities various anti-Romanian and anti-reform groups strongly backed up by Soviet secret service, denounced the new language law as “discriminatory” and launched the policy of confrontation.

 

One of the strongest groups opposing Moldova’s transition to democracy and sovereignty was “Edinstvo”. This group attracted many active Russian-speakers predominantly in the industrial cities on the left bank of Dniester where, unlike the rest of the MSSR, Romanian-speakers (ethnic Moldovans) were outnumbered by a Slavic majority.  This territory called Transnistria by Romanians and Podniestrovie by Slavs was merged with predominantly Romanian-Speaking Bessarabia only in 1940. It was not part of Romania in 1918-1940 and had never been associated with historical Moldova before that (See “Moldovan history” section for details). By the late summer of 1990,.Transnistria became the major bastion of anti-reform forces of Moldova. At the same time, activists of Gagauz minority also aligned themselves with anti-reformists and formed their own anti-Romanian organization calling itself “Gagauz Halky” (Gagaus People) and aiming at secession of  mainly Gagauz-inhabited southern districts of the republic from Moldova or to at the very least, the achievement of broad autonomy.

 

As we can see, the separatist sentiments in Moldova could be caused by the combination of factors including distinct history, fear of discrimination and destabilizing efforts of Moscow.

 

On June 24 of 1990, on the 50th anniversary of Bessarabia’s annexation by the USSR, thousands of Romanian citizens crossed the border into Moldova and rallied for re-unification of the two Romanian-speaking nations. The reaction of supported by Moscow anti-Romanian forces was quick. On August 20, 1990,leaders of  Gagauz Halky “ and a group of Gagauz deputies of Moldovan parliament  proclaimed the Gagauz Republic (“Gagauz Yeri”) at a congress in Comrat[1]. The new republic was claiming 5 southern districts of Moldova with a considerable proportion of Gagauz-speaking population. Next day the parliament of Moldova declared that decision unconstitutional and outlawed Gagauz separatist movement. 12 days later local authorities of Transnistria followed suit proclaiming Transnistrian Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic[2] later renamed to Transnistiran Moldovan Republic with its capital in Tiraspol. Transnistrian leadership also declared that only USSR laws will function on the territory east of the Dniester despite any political development in the rest of Moldova[3].

 

The 16-month period between September 1990 and January 1992, was marked with sporadic skirmishes between Moldovan police and separatist forces backed by the Soviet troops including November 1990 clash in Dubosari . However it was not until the middle of 1992 when the open war broke out.[4] In late November 1990 Transnistria held separate parliamentary elections and Igor Smirnov got chairmanship of the separatist parliament. In March 1991 Transnistria and Gagauzia hold the referendum on the preservation of the Soviet Union despite the boycott in the rest of Moldova.

 

On August 27, 1991 Moldovan government denounced the attempted hard-liner communist coup in Moscow and the parliament issued the Declaration of Independence. The declaration specifically denounced the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact as well as all its political and legal consequences[5]. At the same time, leaders of separatist regions of Gagauzia and Transnistria declared their unequivocal support of the coup and commitment to the values of the Soviet Union. Tiraspol also interpreted the denunciation of the Nazi-Soviet Pact by Moldovan parliament as a legal basis for the secession of Transnistria keeping n mind the fact that before 1940 the area was part of Moldovan ASSR of the Soviet Union.

 

 

Official Chichineu did not accept that position of the separatists started taking measures to put all territory of the now-former Moldovan SSR under central control. However, at that time Moldova had no army of her own and existing police forces were not sufficient to impose Moldovan sovereignty on the separatist regions protected by heavy-armed troops of the USSR. Thus the talks with the leadership of still formally existing USSR seemed to be only way to resolve the problem of separatism without bloodshed. The talks were attempted immediately after Moldova declared its independence but all pleads to end the occupation and withdraw Soviet troops from Moldovan territory fell on deaf ears.

 

 

 

 

 

 

FLAG OF MOLDOVA

 

FLAG OF ROMANIA

 

FLAG OF TRANSNISTRIA

 

 

On August 27, 1991 Moldovan government denounced the attempted hard-liner communist coup in Moscow and the parliament issued the Declaration of Independence. The declaration specifically denounced the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact as well as all its political and legal consequences[6]. (14)  At the same time, leaders of separatist regions of Gagauzia and Transnistria declared their unequivocal support of the coup and commitment to the values of the Soviet Union. Tiraspol also interpreted the denunciation of the Nazi-Soviet Pact by Moldovan parliament as a legal basis for the secession of Transnistria keeping n mind the fact that before 1940 the area was part of Moldovan ASSR of the Soviet Union.

 

 

Official Chichineu did not accept that position of the separatists started taking measures to put all territory of the now-former Moldovan SSR under central control. However, at that time Moldova had no army of her own and existing police forces were not sufficient to impose Moldovan sovereignty on the separatist regions protected by heavy-armed troops of the USSR. Thus the talks with the leadership of still formally existing USSR seemed to be only way to resolve the problem of separatism without bloodshed. The talks were attempted immediately after Moldova declared its independence but all pleads to end the occupation and withdraw Soviet troops from Moldovan territory fell on deaf ears.

 

On August 29, 1991 Moldova secret service managed to arrest Transnistrian separatist leaders Igor Smirnov and Andrei Cheban during their trip to Kiev aimed at gaining support from Ukrainian leader Leonid Kravchuk. At the same time Gagauz leaders Stepan Topal and Mikhail Khendigelian were arrested as well. However, the arrested leaders were freed on October 1, 1991 as a result of pressure from Moscow and women's strike in Transnistria headed by Galina Andreeva as a result of which the Moscow-Chisinau railway line was blocked between Benderi and Tiraspol. In the fall of 1991 Transnistrian separatists started recruiting troops for the so-called Republican Guard of Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.

 

In December 1991 Transnistria and Gagauzia boycotted the presidential elections in Moldova. Instead, the separatist regions held their own elections resulting in the election of Smirnov as the president of Transnistria and Topal as the head of Gagauz Yeri. The majority of voters in both breakaway regions also voted for the secession in the simultaneously organized referenda. At the end of the month Moldovan security service arrested Lieutenant-General Yakovlev who at that time combined his position as Commander of Russian 14th Army with the title of  Head of national Defence and Security Department in the self-proclaimed transnistrian Moldovan Republic. That arrest could have blocked some military efforts of the separatists but general Yakovlev was soon released as a result of the interference of Russian Government.

 

 

The War

 

The independence of Moldova was born under quite adverse circumstances that included administrative chaos, sovereignty challenge, economic collapse and deeply fractured political elites desperately struggling to define a new political course. Meanwhile, self-proclaimed republic in Transnistria remained de-facto occupied by the former Soviet 14th Army whose command was sympathetic with the separatists. Due to the above, the Moldovan government had little chances to resolve the conflict with Tiraspol through the use of force.

 

Nevertheless the events of January 1992 demonstrated the unwillingness of Tiraspol to go for any compromise. Between the 4th and 12th of January, Transnistrian Republican Guard troops launched attacks on government building in Dubosari and crossed Dniester to take over the city of Benderi on the Bessarabian side of the river. Moldovan police forces were reluctant to resist having the governmental orders to avoid violence at all costs. As a result, by February 3 1992, both towns fell into the hands of the separatists following the surrender of Moldovan police troops there.

 

On March 29, 1992 the government of Moldova declared a state of emergency and ordered military offensive into Transnistria. However as of the early spring of 1992, despite some efforts to build up regular army Moldova could boast some 25-30,000 people subordinate either to the republican Ministry of the Interior or to the newly formed Ministry of Defense. Most of these troops were reservists or volunteers and very few of them had combat experience. Moldovan forces were armed with old Soviet weapons. Some weaponry was also delivered by Romania.

 

At the same time Transnistria had a 9,000 strong Republican Guard armed and trained by the instructors from the 14th army stationed in the area. The Republican Guard was reinforced with some 6,000 mercenaries and volunteers from all over Russia many of whom came after a series of appeals made in Russian media to support Slavic brethren in Transnistria against “Romanian aggression”. The mercenaries included well-trained special troops from Riga and Vilnius OMON battalions who had been expelled from Latvia and Lithuania in August 1991. Among the volunteers arriving from southern Russia one could see a number of nationalist militiamen referring to themselves as “the Cossacks”. In addition to the above-mentioned forces, there was still 14th Russian Army now renamed to Russian Operational Group (ROG) stationed in Transnistria that numbered about 15,000 professional soldiers and possessed impressive arsenals of all sorts of weaponry that was now available for the separatist fighters. It has been reported by the participants of the conflict that on many occasions the whole battalions of the 14th Army were joining the separatists in their combat operations against Moldovans. In that cases the Russian troopers usually modified their uniforms slightly in order to look like Transnistrian fighters. In several cases regular Russian troops were openly involved in skirmishes with the Moldovan governmental forces. In fact, at the beginning of the full-scale war Moldovan forces fighting against Transnistrian separatist regime were slightly outnumbered by the separatist forces and were much worse equipped and trained. This military superiority of the separatists in combination with the permanent  crisis of power in Chishineu as well as the apathy and general indifference among the majority of Moldovan society and heavy diplomatic pressure from Moscow, significantly diminished Moldovan chances for military and political victory in that confrontation.

 

 

 

P  E  R  S  O  N  A  L  I  A :

 

 

 

 

RADICAL NATIONALIST

 MIRCEA DRUC

 

 

MODERATE MIRCEA SNEGUR

 

SEPARATIST LEADER

 IGOR SMIRNOV

 

ROG COMMANDER

ALEXANDER LEBED

 

In April 1992 Transnistria was visited by Russian Vice-President Nikolay Rutskoy who encouraged Transnisrians to fight against Moldova and assured them of Russian military, financial and moral support. Less than two months later Lieutenant-General Alexander Lebed was appointed Commander of ROG (former 14th Army). This charismatic military commander was strongly supportive of the separatist case (if not always of the persons of some Transnistrian leaders) despite his public declarations that Russian military should remain neutral in this conflict.

 

The armed conflict reached its culmination in early summer of 1992 when Moldovan governmental forces attempted to re-take Benderi (Tighinia) at the same time keeping pressure in Dubosari. Both cities were strategically quite important for both sides due to their geographical position. The capture of Dubosari would allow Moldovan forces to cut Transnistria in two isolated enclaves each of which could be suppressed quite easily one after another. The city of Benderi (Tighinia) on the right bank of Dniester could be an excellent bidgehead for the possible invasion of the rest of Moldova and capture of its capital. If lost by the separatists Benderi would leave the Moldovans with an easy access to the separatists’ capital of Tiraspol which is only 11 km away from the strategic bridge over Dniester.

 

During the fierce battle for Benderi on June 19 1992, the governmental troops of Moldova managed to take control over the city. Next day the Transnistrian Republican Guard and “Cossack” volunteers launched counterattack that happened to be successful due to the open interference of ROG tank units and resulted in re-capture of the city by the Transnistrians. At the same time Parcani sapper battalion of ROC helped Transnistrians to destroy strategic bridges in Dobosari and Coshnitia. In July 1992 the Parcani battalion suffered heavy casualties as a result of Moldovan aircraft attack and had to withdraw from the war theater.

 

Most of military action during the summer of 1992 involved urban warfare ensued in densely populated civic areas. That caused casualties among civilian population and severe damage and destruction of buildings. Both sides reportedly committed atrocities and war crimes. Both sides were proven guilty in breaching ceasefire agreements.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CLICK ON THE CAMERA

 

 

 

 

TO SEE THE PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE WAR IN TRANSNISTRIA,

 

 COURESY OF  GEORGE NIKOLADZE

 

 

CLICK ON THE MAP FOR BETTER RESOLUTION

 

 

Ceasefire and Conflict Resolution Attempts

 

Following hundreds of deaths from both sides and tens of thousands of refugees fleeing the area of conflicts both in western and eastern directions, A cease-fire agreement was signed on July 21, 1992 by the presidents of Russian Federation (Boris Yeltsin) and Moldova (Mircea Snegur). The document included the establishment of a security zone and provided for peacekeeping forces formally trilateral but de facto dominated by 5 battalions of ROG (former 14th Army) and 2 batallions of Transnistrian Republican Guard.

 

Several days after the cease-fire, one more skirmish between Moldovan and Transnistrian troops occurred in the village of Gisca near Benderi. But no other major incidents were recorded.

 

(Click here for more details re. the international peace efforts)

 

During the whole year of 1992 the government of Moldova was under unprecedented diplomatic pressure from Russia demanding serious concessions on several major issues that included but were not limited to:

 

  • The question of seeking NATO membership
  • The question of re-unification with Romania
  • The status of Transnistria
  • The status of Russian language in the republic.

 

Hoping that some compromise could gain Russian support in restoring national unity the leadership of Moldova agreed to stop seeking NATO membership or any special relations with the alliance. Moldovan government also gave up the idea of merging with Romania in spite of mass vocal support for the “re-unification of the two Romanian states” organized by the Popular Front in November 1992. Some anti-Romanian rhetoric of several Moldovan officials, Snegur’s proposed referendum on the status of the country, forced resignation of pro-Romanan parliamentary chairman Alexandru Mosanu on January 29, 1993, ratification of CIS membership in August 1993 and other signs clearly demonstrating Moldova’s desire to distance itself from Romania let to the chilling of bilateral relations and outraged Romanian nationalists who used to be active supporters of the Moldovan case before and during Transnistrian conflict.

 

In fact, this overture left Moldova in almost total isolation and at the same time did not help to restore territorial integrity. Both Comrat and Tiraspol kept refusing to re-unite with what they called “fascist Moldova” despite the fact that Moldovan government gave up the principle that seemed to be the main obstacle between Moldova and its minorities. Thus days before Mosanu stepped down as parliamentary chairman, the leaders of Gagauz Yeri and Transnistria signed “pacts of friendship and cooperation” with Georgia’s breakaway province of Abkhazia agreeing to form a military alliance against Moldova and Georgia.

 

(Click here for more details re. the main problems on the way to a political settlement)

 

Official Chishineu also revised its concept of Moldova as a unitary state at the same time refusing the idea of confederation with Transnistria and Gagauzia as proposed by Moscow.  Moldovan counter-proposal was based on the transformation of Moldova into federation with broad autonomy for both breakaway regions. This step resulted in some progress with the resolution of Gagauz question in February 1994 when Gagauz Yeri administration agreed to open ballot polls in the region. Shortly after the elections, an agreement was reached with the moderate wing of Gagauz activists on the establishment of Gagauz autonomy consisting of 5 enclaves the biggest one around Comrat[7].  Some radical Gagauz nationalists (e.g.  ivan Burguji) tried to block the fulfillment of the agreement but that resulted in their marginalization.

 

Transnistrian crisis however, was not resolved in spite of all Moldovan concessions. Tiraspol regime did not allow February 1992 parliamentary elections in the territory controlled by its forces and refused any other form of re-integration into Moldova than loose two-state confederation.  Negotiations between Moldovan officials and separatist leadership of Ttransnistria failed to reach any constructive agreement and were frozen in mid-1996. Several attempts to reach consensus in May 1997 and later were unsuccessful and resulted in strained relations across the Dniester river as well as between Moldova and Russian Federation. The evacuation of some 2,000 Russian troops still remaining in Transnistria was unilaterally put on hold by Russia in 2004 until Chishineu and Tiraspol reach a final agreement on the future status of the territory west of Dniester.

 

 

NB.: According to GlobalSecurity.org, the leadership of Transnistria has a long history of involvement in illegal arms proliferation and money-laundering, as well as human- and drug trafficking. The leader of separatists Igor Smirnov and his son Vladimir are reported to be the heads of a criminal mini-empire with the core in  the “no man’sland” on the right bank of Dniester[8].

 

 

BACK



[1] Foreign Broadcast Information Service, FBIS-SOV-90-162, Aug. 21, 1990, p.92

 

[2] Socor, Vladimir, “Moldavia Proclaims Independence, Commences Secession from USSR,” RFE/RL Report on the USSR, October 18, 1991, pp. 19-20

 

[3] Socor, Vladimir, “Moldova’s Dniester Ulcer,” RFE/RL Research Report, 2, Nr. 1, Jan. 1/1993, pp. 12-16

 

[4] Kondratov, E., “Moldova’s Unity Threatened,” Izvestia, Sept. 3, 1990, p. 2

 

[5] Socor, Vladimir, “Moldavia Proclaims Independence, Commences Secession from USSR,” RFE/RL Report on the USSR, October 18, 1991, pp. 19-20

 

[6] Ibid, 19-20

 

[7] Socor, Vladimir, “Gagauz Autonomy in Moldova: A Precedent for Eastern Europe?” RFE/RL Research Report, 3, Nr. 33, Aug.26/1994, pp. 20-28