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Nordic Contacts 1991-1998
By
Brian Hodges
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Scandinavian-Baltic Cooperation: a Historical
Perspective (Introduction)
The
role of the Nordic countries in the Baltic states'
path to independence and security can not be
underestimated. Rein Taagepera, in his book Estonia:
Return to Independence, ends with the observation that much of Estonia's ability to survive as an independent
state will rest on Scandinavia: "Will the Nordic countries recognize Estonia and Latvia as natural parts of the
culturally Lutheran realm? Will they be willing to play a role faintly
similar to that of West Germany
toward East Germany,
establishing a special relationship? Or will they shrug their shoulders as Estonia is
drawn back into an eastern economic orbit?" (210) The importance of
establishing a stable relationship between the Nordic countries and the
Baltic states is central to the Baltics being able
to enter Western Europe. Historically, however, the individual Nordic
countries have had very different relationships with the Baltic
states. The Soviet annexation of 1940, for example, was never
officially recognized by Norway,
while Sweden
was one of the first nations to recognize it.
The
present Scandinavian-Baltic relationship is a not as deeply rooted a shared
historical past as it is purported to have been. The Scandinavian kingdoms of
Denmark, Norway and Sweden have played different
roles in the Baltic throughout history. Denmark
established the trade center of Tallinn in the
13th century, Sweden
ruled much of what would become modern day Estonia
and Latvia during the 18th
century and Norway
cooperated with the Courland colonial
expansion of the 17th century. The modern concept of Baltic
cooperation is more the product of the past century than of their lengthy
histories. In order to illustrate this one need only look at the
Scandinavian-Baltic relations during the first period of independence and
during the period of Soviet rule.
The
first period of Baltic independence coincided with Finland's independence. Finland, like the Baltic states, was under the
rule of Imperial Russia and won its independence from Russia as a result of the
Communist revolution and the ensuing civil war. Almost immediately upon gaining
independence, Finland was
faced with the crisis of how to align itself in the new map of Europe. Indecision as to whether or not to belong to a
Baltic bloc or a Scandinavian bloc continued for the first decade of
independence, but, after 1926, Finland
decided to terminate the close relations with the Baltic and Polish
governments due to perceived weaknesses in their defense abilities and trade
conflicts with the Baltic states. Instead, Finland chose to work on a closer relationship
with a Nordic bloc and to foster a closer relationship with Germany.
(Edgars Andersons, Latvijas VÂ sture 1920-1940: &127; rpolÌ tika, appendix)
Similar
to Finland, the
Scandinavian states sought political and military cooperation outside the Baltic states. For the Nordic countries entering the
Scandinavian-Baltic bloc alliance, suggested by the British government
following World War I, was too risky, due to the continuing threats of war in
the east. (Anderson,
English summary) While cultural and economic contacts did begin during the
period of independence, the depth of investment was minimal. Official
recognition of the independent Baltic states by Scandinavia was not quick in
coming: Denmark, Norway and Sweden
did not officially recognize the Baltic states'
independence until February 4, 1921, nearly three years after their
declarations of independence. (Helmut Piirim¬ e, "Historical Heritage: The Relations Between Estonia and her Nordic
Neighbors" in Lauristin and Vihalemn eds. Return to the Western World: Cultural
and Political Perspectives on the Estonian Post-Communist Transition. Tartu University Press: 1997, pp. 64-66.)
Political cooperation between Scandinavia and the Baltic states was not only
hindered by defense questions, but also by the Land Reform Law of 1919 in Estonia, which adversely affected many Swedish
land owners in the Baltic states. (Piirim¬ e, 66)
Despite
the lack of political cooperation during this period, economic investment in
the Baltic states was on the rise.
Investments were made mostly in farming infrastructure and in the extraction
of natural resources from the Baltic states.
Associated with the economic investment in the Baltic region was a coinciding
cultural investment; many Swedes settled (or resettled) in Estonia and Latvia. Swedish and Finnish scholars
were particularly active in establishing the University of Tartu
as a center of European scholarship. This growing climate of economic and
cultural contacts came to an immediate end with the occupation of the Baltic
states by the Soviet Union in 1940.
Sweden was the second European nation to
recognize Soviet authority over the Baltic states, turning over the Baltic
embassies and bank assets that had been transferred to Sweden for safe keeping. Finland was engaged in a war with the Soviet
Union and became an ally of Germany
in the fight against the Soviet army. During the course of World War II, over
30,000 Baltic refugees made it to Sweden, where they were met with
shelter, food, medical assistance and financial aid in order to resettle.
This outpouring of humanitarianism towards their Baltic neighbors was,
however, contradicted by the deportation of Baltic legionaries who had been
conscripted into the German army in 1946. (Piirim¬ e, 69)
During
the period of Soviet rule over the Baltic states, only Norway persisted in not
recognizing the Soviet authority in the region. Baltic ministers, who had
escaped from the Baltic states during World War II, held governmental
meetings in Oslo.
Baltic communities, made up of the war refugees, formed in Sweden, where they were able to maintain their
national cultures and keep the idea of independent Baltic
states alive. The period of Soviet rule may have halted all
political and economic cooperation in the region, but the presence of the
Baltic cultures, especially since the 1980s, in Scandinavia
has led to deeper cultural contacts.
Since
the end of the Soviet period in the Baltic states, the Nordic countries have
been acting as a bloc in supporting the development of the Baltic
states and as an entr¾ to the European Community. Among
the first nations to officially recognize Baltic independence were Iceland, Denmark
and Norway; Sweden and Finland
lagged in official recognition due to security issues, Sweden being a neutral nation and Finland not wanting to provoke Russia. The
Nordic States have, since the emergence of Baltic independence in 1991,
officially supported the development of the Baltic
States in four main areas: the promotion of common security in
the area, the deepening of the culture of democracy, socially sustainable
economic transition and environmentally sustainable development.
Common Security in the Baltic
The
Baltic independence movement affected the entire Baltic
Sea region. This region had a fragile security community, while Denmark, Norway
and Germany belonged to
NATO, Poland, the Baltic
States and Finland were
all bound by treaty to the Soviet sphere and Sweden was a neutral nation. This
balance was upset by the Baltic declarations of independence. The NATO
nations were able to immediately recognize Baltic independence, due to their
security positions, but Sweden,
being a neutral nation, did not have the support to stand up against a
deteriorating Soviet Union, and Finland
was in the process of unraveling the 1948 Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Friendship, which had bound them to militarily support the Soviet
Union. Reasserting a security balance was the first
international goal concerning the region and of utmost importance to the
Nordic States.
Security
issues surrounding the Baltic States are
still a concern to all neighboring states. The Baltic States' desire to join
NATO has been met by strong resistance from Russia,
who perceives the expansion of NATO into the Baltic as a threatening move and
seeks to find some solution which will not leave the Russian ports on the
Gulf of Finland and Kaliningrad
exposed. This strong protest from Russia
towards the Baltic's joining NATO has resulted in Norway's
withdrawing its sponsorship of the Baltic states
as new NATO members. (Gjeseth and Huitfeldt, Nordisk og baltisk sikkerhet pp. 3-5)
In
the absence of a larger military and security alliance, the Baltic
States, in 1994, formed a defense-related cooperative, the Baltbat project. Baltbat is a collaboration between England, Nordic states and the
Baltic countries to establish a joint peacekeeping battalion, in which the
Nordic countries have had a major presence in both training and supplying
medical equipment, computers and arms. Baltbat is
made up of 800 men and includes a rifle company from each of the Baltic states. These rifle companies are working
closely with one of the Scandinavian militaries; the Latvian rifle company is
to accompany the Swedish battalion to Bosnia,
the Lithuanian to Bosnia
under Danish command and the Estonian company will be deployed under
Norwegian command in Lebanon.
Similar to Baltbat, the Baltic
Sea states are also participating in naval and air military
cooperation in their respective programs, Baltron
and Baltnet. (Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden and the Baltic Counties:
Cooperation for Security, Democracy and Development. Stockholm:
1996, pp. 13-20 and Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs Norway and
the Baltic Countries: Looking Towards the Future. Oslo: 1998, pp. 22-23)
Other
risks to the stability of the region include crime, terrorism, smuggling and
environmental hazards. In order to combat crime and smuggling, the
Scandinavian states have been aiding the Baltic police forces in both
training and supplying modern equipment (weighbridges with x-ray equipment,
radio and communications devices, computers, etc.). A further deepening of
police cooperation is going on between the Nordic and the Baltic
states in order to fight the larger, organized crime network,
which, if not addressed, keeps investors out of the region. (Ministry for
Foreign Affairs, 18-19)
Stable Culture of Democracy
The
first issue that Scandinavia addressed in relation to the emergence of the Baltic states was the support and development of
cultures of democracy in the region. A stable democratic environment promotes
the security of the region, while also creating a sound foundation for the
development of the economy, human rights and the environment. Democracy
building efforts come from more than the Nordic governments and also involve
the intense participation of non-governmental organization (NGOs), labor
unions, political parties and industry.
Support
for political parties is essential in the building of democracy. The
histories of the Baltic states in regards to democratic representation, both
during the period of independence and under Soviet rule, caused some concern
in the Nordic states regarding the role of opposition parties in the
political process, due to both the Baltic authoritarian leadership during the
decade prior to World War II and half century of Soviet political
institutions. Scandinavian political parties have adopted a sister-city
program between Scandinavia and the Baltic,
where they send party members to the Baltic in order to develop the party
system in these states. Lithuanians were able to study the election process
in Sweden,
including the electoral campaign, the work of party organizations and how
political compromise can be a road to concrete solutions to social problems.
One
area of democratization in which the Baltic states
have been criticized concerns the role of linguistic minorities, especially
in regards to the Russian speaking minority. The European Community (EC)
views the Baltic states' linguistic policy
as being discriminatory against Russian speakers. While funds and
institutions to teach linguistic minorities the official languages are not
well established by the Baltic governments, the Nordic states have been
assisting linguistic minorities in both official language education and in
providing native language media. The Swedish Institute is supporting a
Russian language radio station in Narva, Estonia,
where the Russian speaking population is 96%; under Estonian law these people
are not to be provided with state supported radio, newspaper or any printed
materials. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 25)
Economic and Social Development
Perhaps
the largest area of Nordic-Baltic cooperation is in the area of economic and
social development. In this area governmental, non-governmental, private and
industrial bodies are all working to develop the Baltic
states. Creating a stable economic foundation will secure the
democratic stability of the region and promote security. One of the most
immediate needs of the Baltic states is a
transformation of the Soviet infrastructure; the telecommunications, road,
railway and port networks are all in poor repair and need modernization.
Without these basic infrastructures trade with Europe
would be hindered.
Foreign
direct investment in the Baltic states is
still risky due to the unpredictable state of their national economies, the Nordic states are trying to shore up the
foundation of a market oriented system that will allow for greater investment
in the future. While the Baltic states are
attractive for large firms as a future place for mass production and other
factory oriented projects, the existing infrastructure is very poor for
modern manufacturing. This has not halted all investment in the region,
however. Volvo has established a manufacturing plant in Estonia, aiding
the Estonians with new infrastructure and transferring technology to the
region, while taking advantage of the lower wages on the eastern shores of
the Baltic for the Swedish company's benefit. A sign of confidence in the
Estonian economy from Scandinavia can be seen in the opening of a Stockmann's department store in Estonia. The
forestry industry throughout the Baltic has also been an area of Swedish
investment, from the planning and development of the sustainable harvesting
of a natural resource in Latvia
and Lithuania
to the import of Estonian finished timber and furniture products.
While
it is both possible and feasible for large industries to invest in the Baltic
region and create the infrastructure and training necessary to do business
there, for the small and medium sized enterprises, which are becoming more
and more common on the European market, investing in the region is extremely
risky. In order to balance the risk, the Swedish government has developed a
program called "Startš
st", which provides loans on favorable terms
to small and medium sized enterprises to cover the cost of training Baltic
personnel. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 32) Another risk to smaller
investors in this region is the Latvian bank collapses of 1995; in order to
promote stability and investment in the region, Sweden has contributed 300
million SEK, mostly in the form of equity capital, to selected banks. In
addition to this, Sweden
is paying for economic advisers to take part in the supervision of the
allocation of the World Bank loans and business projects. (Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, 32-33)
The Environment and Sustainable Development
Both
the environment and sustainable development are foreign concepts to Soviet
planning and developmentalism. The Baltic states are emerging from four plus decades of
environmental devastation and exploitation of natural resources. The level of
environmental degradation is unheard of in Western
Europe, but is a crisis associated with nearly all the emerging
Eastern European nations. As early as 1974, the Nordic states began to enter
a dialogues with the then Soviet Baltic satellites concerning the environment
of the Baltic Sea region, considered today to be among the most polluted
inland seas in the world. Cleaning the Baltic Sea
is estimated to cost 150 billion SEK and take until the year 2012 to
complete. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 35-40 and the Royal Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, 14)
One
of the highest priorities in the environmental clean up
process is the Gulf
of Riga. Thirty-five percent
of Riga's
900,000 residents are not connected to the sewage treatment works. Instead,
the untreated sewage goes directly into the Gulf. The sewage treatment plant,
on the Daugava river, is out of date and requires
updating and repair. This plant only purifies 40% of the treated waste, while
the European average is between 95-98% purification. This sewage treatment
plant has drawn attention from the Nordic states and the EU (through the
regional body the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development EBRD) and
both are investing in repairing it. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 35-38)
Perhaps
the most pressing environmental concern in the Baltic states is the nuclear
power station at Ignalina in north-eastern Lithuania.
This Soviet built station is the same type as the Chernobyl
power station, which caused devastating environmental affects in Scandinavia. Sweden, in association with the
Nuclear Safety Account of the EBRD, has played a leading role in dealing with
this risk area. Sweden
has been assisting in making technical improvements and enhancing
organization and routines at the plant. While the technicians are well
trained, the safety culture which grew out of the Soviet
Union is not up to European standards. Sweden is
trying to change the safety awareness of the plant by implementing changes in
access, management and staffing the plant. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 40
and the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 14)
Cultural Cooperation
Cultural
contact between the Baltic states and the
Scandinavian states are, perhaps, the broadest area of cooperation. While
this particular area of cooperation does not draw the most official funding,
it does draw on a vast number of people and institutions. Cultural contacts
have existed in one form or another for centuries. Only during the Soviet
period did the Baltic Sea become a border; prior to which, the sea, like all
waterways in Northern Europe, was more of a
highway, connecting the cultures and trade of the region. During the Soviet
period, Baltic presence in the Scandinavian states was felt. Many evacuees
set up residence in Sweden,
while a government-in-exile held meetings in Norway.
Scandinavian
interest in the Baltic region began to grow during the 1980s after the ESTO
world exhibitions of 1980 and 1983, held in Stockholm and GØ teborg, respectively. These exhibitions portrayed to Scandinavia, and the world, the existence of a Baltic
culture. The rising interest in Baltic culture led to the formation of ARS
BALTICA in 1993. ARS BALTICA is an organization which supports cultural
events and exhibitions in the Baltic Sea
states. (Firggebo, "Cultural Co-operation Revitalised Through 'ARS BALTICA" in the Nordic
Council's Cultural Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries and the Baltic States - Status and Future Perspectives. Stockholm: 1994, Pp. 18-19) Also from this interest in
Baltic culture, both Baltic literature in Scandinavian translation and art
began to appear in Scandinavia.
The
educational exchanges established between Nordic and Baltic
Universities and educational
institutions are another way of increasing the cultural cooperation of the Baltic Sea region. These programs not only introduce
students to a different culture, but also aid in the transference of
institutions and ideas to the Baltic countries. In order to promote
cross-cultural research, the Nordic
Academy for Advanced
Study (NorFa) was established in 1990. This
institution was founded in order to stimulate the research being done in the
Nordic states through greater mobility and exchanges, counteracting the
perceived downfalls of Nordic research of provincialism and isolationism. In
1994 NorFa granted 800,000 NOK for exchanges
between the Nordic counties and the Baltic states and north-western Russia.
(S¬ ljØ , "Co-operation in Research and Education with the
Baltic States Today and Tomorrow." In the Nordic Council's Cultural
Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries and the Baltic
States - Status and Future Perspectives. Op.cit. pp.28-29)
In
addition to providing grants for cross-cultural research exchanges, the
Nordic countries are also providing support for the reforms of the
Universities and educational institutions in the Baltic
states. Norway
has established a school of business management in Kaunas, Lithuania
in order to teach market economics. This school began as an exchange program,
sending students, faculty and textbooks to Lithuania in 1992, but since has
turned into a school. Lillehammar
College has aided in the
establishment of a new college in the district of Vidzeme,
Latvia,
which has established a European curriculum. (Royal Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, 16-17) All of these investments in higher education in the Baltic states can be seen as investments in not only
the cultural life of the Baltic, but also as investments in infrastructure,
democracy, security and economy. As all of these factors are supported
through these types of cultural exchanges.
Nordic
interest in the Baltic states can best be
summed up by looking at the examples of cooperative efforts undertaken since
the Baltics' declarations of independence. The
Nordic Council of Ministers, a cooperative body of Nordic representatives,
helped to establish the Baltic Council of Ministers. Together, these two
councils meet as "5+3" ("5+3" refers to the five Nordic
countries and the three Baltic states) to discuss issues concerning the Baltic and
Baltic-Nordic concerns. In 1992 the Council of the Baltic Sea States was
founded by Scandinavian initiative in order to draw all of the Baltic Sea states into tighter cohesion and cooperation.
When the Baltic states' application for participation in the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was refused in 1991, Denmark, Norway
and Sweden invited the Baltic states' delegations to join theirs and
championed their membership in the OSCE in the future. These examples of high
profile assistance exemplify the efforts being undertaken to aid the Baltic states in their transformation from Soviet
republics to European states.
Bibliography
Anderson, Edgars. Latvijas VÂsture 1920-1940:
&127;rpolÌtika. Daugava:
1982.
Firggebo, Birgit. "Cultural
Co-operation Revitalised Through 'ARS BALTICA"
in The Nordic Council's Cultural Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries
and the Baltic States - Status and Future
Perspectives. Stockholm:
1994. pp. 18-19.
Gjeseth, Gullow
and Huitfeldt, TÝnne. Nordisk
og baltisk sikkerhet Den Norske Atlanterhavskomite.
Oslo: 1996.
Ministry for Foreign
Affairs. Sweden
and the Baltic Counties: Cooperation for Security,
Democracy and Development. Stockholm:
1996
Piirim¬e,
Helmut. "Historical Heritage: The Relations Between Estonia and her Nordic
Neighbors" in Marju Lauristin
and Peeter Vihalemn eds. Return
to the Western World: Cultural and Political Perspectives on the Estonian
Post-Communist Transition. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 1997.
Royal Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Norway
and the Baltic Countries: Looking Towards the Future. Oslo: 1998
S¬ljØ, Roger. "Co-operation in Research and Education with the Baltic
States Today and Tomorrow." In the Nordic Council's Cultural
Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries and the Baltic
States - Status and Future Perspectives. Stockholm:1994.
pp. 28-29.
Taagepera, Rein. Estonia:
Return to Independence.
Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.
WWW Resources
Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS)www.baltinfo.org/
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Denmark:
www.um.dk/english/udenrigspolitik/
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Finland:
virtual.finland.fi/ministry/english/umeng.html
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Norway:
www.odin.dep.no/ud
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Sweden:
www.ud.se/
The Nordic Council: www.norden.org/
Originally
published at http://depts.washington.edu/baltic/papers/
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